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Leading international offshore wind energy firm Ocean Winds hosted a fact-finding mission for Irish Oireachtas members to give them a first-hand experience of its operating offshore wind facility in Scotland (Moray East offshore wind farm – 950 MW) and its associated infrastructure. The visit by members of the Joint Committee on Environment and Climate Action comes at a time when the imperative to leverage Ireland’s wind power potential is greater than ever in the context of the increasing impacts of climate change and global fuel insecurity.

Scotland is recognised as a leader in the development of offshore wind energy and the visit offered excellent insights into the optimal approach to wind farm development, including the importance of early and meaningful community engagement. The Oireachtas members also heard about offshore wind farms' economic and infrastructural benefits.

Ocean Winds, joint venture of ENGIE and EDPR, is currently operating, building and developing, five offshore wind projects in Scotland (respectively: Moray East – 950 MW, Moray West – 882 MW, Caledonia – up to 2 GW, and two new floating projects east of the Shetland Islands – 2.3 GW).

Commenting on the visit Dan Finch, Country Manager for Ocean Winds in Ireland said, “We were delighted to host the Joint Committee on the Environment and Climate Action members and give them an in-person tour of the facilities at Fraserburgh, Aberdeenshire, in Scotland. With a total of five offshore wind farms in Scotland, in all stages of project development from operation to development, Ocean Winds is generating low carbon energy to Scotland. We are working on the long term to shape the offshore wind industry in Scotland, and we do so hand in hand with local industry and communities. In Ireland, Ocean Winds has committed itself to developing a long-standing presence and to help support the country’s clean energy ambitions through the development of wind power facilities that can deliver renewable energy to fuel Irish businesses and communities. By reducing Ireland’s reliance on gas and oil it will also help safeguard Irish communities from global energy price fluctuations.”

Brian Leddin TD, Chair of the Joint Committee on Environment and Climate Action commented, “We know that Ireland possesses enormous climatic and geographic advantages when it comes to generating offshore wind energy. The Committee members were delighted to see an offshore wind farm of this nature in full operation, learn more about the infrastructure unpinning such a development, and understand the community involvement in such projects. It is important to take away some of the Scottish offshore experience as we look forward to the establishment Ireland’s maritime regulator, MARA, next year.”

The Oireachtas members included:

  • Brian Leddin TD, Chair of Committee
  • Alan Farrell TD
  • Darren O’Rourke TD
  • Senator Pauline O’Reilly

Ocean Winds entered the Irish wind energy market in 2020 bringing with it over a decade of experience in the development of wind energy facilities across North America, the UK, Europe, and Korea. It is currently working towards the delivery of two offshore projects off the coast of counties Dublin and Wicklow - Réalt na Mara and Celtic Horizon off the coast of counties Waterford and Wexford and by 2030. The combined projects promise to deliver over 2.3 GW of renewable energy to over 2.1 million Irish households.

Published in Power From the Sea
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Two Irish environmental coalitions are calling on the Government to ensure the necessary Dáil Committee time is given to debating the new Maritime Area Planning Bill.

The Sustainable Water Network (SWAN) and the Environmental Pillar say that Ireland is “marching itself towards widespread obstacles for renewable energy, longstanding depleted marine habitats and compromised coastal communities if it does not immediately change course”.

The MAP Bill, as it is known, is due to begin the committee stage in the Dáil this week, and over 300 amendments have been tabled, they state.

The long-awaited legislation aims to create a new planning and consent system for marine development.

The overall structure was provided by the National Marine Planning Framework (NMPF) approved earlier this year.

“If the Government railroad this legislation through as is, space for offshore renewables allocation will proceed ahead of the much-needed designation of Marine Protected Areas (MPAs),” SWAN and the Environmental Pillar state in a joint statement.

“ This means areas that need protection, including our most vulnerable areas, may not be adequately designated, and offshore renewables could be planned for development in environmentally unsuitable areas,” they say.

“ The result being that our vital offshore renewable developments and the health of our essential marine environment will both be put at risk at a time where we cannot afford to do so, “they add.

“Beyond our moral obligations to our marine environment, we are legally obligated to implement a network of MPAs in order to restore our oceans under the EU Maritime Spatial Planning Directive and the Marine Strategy Framework Directive,” the coalitions explain.

“ Failing to comply with these will have serious consequences, including litigation from non-compliance that will hinder the widespread and effective rollout of decarbonising our energy,” they say.

Birdwatch Ireland policy officer Fintan Kelly, who is part of the Environmental Pillar, said that a “huge amount of pressure in advancing the bill has been applied to facilitate the expansion of offshore renewables in order to meet the Government’s renewable energy targets for the end of the decade”.

“While we recognise the need for offshore renewables, we are concerned that without putting in place key safeguards, the Bill threatens to further degrade our marine environment at a time when we need to urgently restore the health and resilience of marine ecosystems,”he said.

“A short-sighted ‘land grab’ will threaten wildlife, but also our fishing communities that depend on healthy fish and shellfish populations to make a living,” he said.

“What's more, if we fail to address our legal obligations to protect and restore our marine environment, it will likely result in litigation that will delay much-needed offshore infrastructure and result in a lose-lose situation for all involved.

SWAN policy officer Ellen MacMahon said the Government “seems to be forgetting that Ireland was officially one of the first countries to recognise our environmental crisis”.

“The Dáil recognised both a climate and a biodiversity emergency in 2019 - that means both warrant the same degree of action and that neither is pursued at the expense of the other,” she said.

“Additionally, by protecting our oceans we are increasing the amount of carbon they can absorb. This ‘blue carbon’ is carbon that is captured and stored by seaweed and seagrass, seafloor sediment, and even by the wildlife that coast through our waters,” McMahon said.

“We are asking the Government to meet the standard of urgency it set two years ago for both of these emergencies and to make sure we lay a solid foundation now to have the best chance we can at a liveable future,” she said.

Published in Environment

Communities who believe they are at risk from wind turbines and other proposed new infrastructure deserve more than just a tightly managed consultation exercise, however, well the consultation is conducted.

That’s the view of chartered surveyor Michael Ocock, who has been following the various public consultations initiated here on future energy needs, including offshore renewable power, Eirgrid’s proposal to lay a 2 billion euro cable around the coast, and designation of marine protected areas.

Speaking to Wavelengths this week, he explained why it makes economic sense for developers to engage with and earn the trust of stakeholders.

Ocock, who is a joint author with Barry Trebes of the recently published guidebook, Making Sense of Challenging Projects: Things to Know, Questions to Ask, has spent most of his career managing, overseeing and advising on projects.

During the past 20 years, he has also been working with psychologists to develop ways of making it easier for infrastructure project teams to better understand and engage with local communities.

“Why, when major infrastructure developments are announced, are we always surprised at the degree of public opposition? For any community facing the prospect of new infrastructure on its doorstep, it’s surely the shock of the “new” that triggers their protests - coupled with a stubborn belief that most of the pain stays local, whilst most of the gain goes elsewhere,” he says.

“To get their voices heard - communities have little option but to object and object furiously. But immediately they do that - they’re accused of being negative and deserving of a label such as NIMBY (not in my back yard) or banana (build absolutely nothing anywhere near anyone).

“What they’re being forced to oppose has become, for them, a LULU (locally unwanted land use), or with offshore wind turbines, for example, perhaps a LUSU (locally unwanted sea use),” he says.

Michael Ocock, is a joint author with Barry Trebes of the recently published guidebook, Making Sense of Challenging Projects: Things to Know, Questions to AskMichael Ocock, is a joint author with Barry Trebes of the recently published guidebook, Making Sense of Challenging Projects: Things to Know, Questions to Ask

“Local communities, local businesses and even local politicians understandably feel powerless and resentful at being kept at a distance from the secretive decision-making processes that determine the fate of most major infrastructure schemes. When you calculate the forces ranged against them, it’s not surprising they can’t secure a seat at the decision-makers table,” Ocock says.

“What do we mean when we talk about public ‘consultation’? Is the process of consultation simply a selling exercise – “this is what we intend to do and we’re unlikely to make big changes to our plans” – or are we talking about genuine attempts to listen and learn?” he says.

Engagement, rather than consultation, should kick in before options or considered or ideas put to paper, he suggests.

“Too often we’re told ‘This is the scheme we’ve spent months (sometimes it’s years) perfecting – what do you think of it? Please leave your comments on a piece of paper at the back of the room or tick a box on the computer feedback form...’,” he notes.

“We forget that even those who act for local people and organisations with something worthwhile to offer – not just objections and pointless criticisms – still find their representations can count for little,” he says.

“ They’re unlikely to be present when engineers and other technical experts consider their comments, and they most certainly will not be there when any objections they might have (probably buried deep in a report produced by public relations experts) are considered and big decisions about a project are made by its promoters; unless of course, local campaigns have reached the courts,” Ocock continues.

“Communities deserve to be invited to take part in a genuine dialogue with the promoters of projects that affect them – better still, they deserve to take part in negotiations to find ways of creating working relationships between them as local communities and the teams tasked with designing and delivering the projects,” he says.

“A big obstacle to making the consultation process democratic is that some promoters of infrastructure schemes are arrogant enough to think they know what’s best for everyone. They’re convinced they have sufficient power and more than enough influence to override objections to their plans - and they act accordingly,” he says.

“ This is the notorious ‘decide-announce-defend’ or ‘bulldozer’ approach to infrastructure projects. Maybe it’s an approach just about acceptable in an emergency - but otherwise, it can be unwise and any consultation process employed is almost certainly going to be a sham,” he says.

Ocock cites Shell’s Corrib gas project in north Mayo as one such example.

“Shell’s managing director for Ireland at the time admitted the company had underestimated the level of community concern and unrest. Inadequate engagement with the community led to decisions, which he agreed, were too legalistic and Shell had no real understanding of what the community’s concerns were. Careful planning to bring about better community relations might have saved Shell large sums of money,” he says.

“In recent years, promoters of infrastructure projects have had some encouragement from government legislation and public pressure to adopt a softer and outwardly more conciliatory approach; but for the affected communities - has anything really changed?” he asks.

“Misperceptions can easily lead to what promoters of schemes too readily interpret as unwarranted fears, unrealistic aspirations, and irrational actions,” he says.

“There’s no good reason why promoters of infrastructure developments shouldn’t invite their project’s many stakeholders to participate in the selection of the ‘right’ option (what to build and where to build it) and join in the planning for its construction (when to build and how to build it). On the contrary, this would create trust in the community and help ensure the chosen scheme was delivered with fewer risks,” Ocock suggests.

“We need a giant leap forward so that in future promoters are motivated to encourage a majority of their project’s stakeholders - of which there will be many - to not only participate in selecting the ‘right’ option but also to help determine exactly what the problem is the project is meant to fix,” he says.

“This new ‘normal’ would not only see the ‘wisdom of crowds’ used to produce better strategic decisions for projects but also encourage consensus-building around their future construction,” he says.

“Such ideas are not new - research has been done for many years on this sensitive topic - but politicians, bureaucrats and Shell’s managers appear not to read research papers; and in my experience neither are they known for welcoming ideas that could improve their archaic methods of working. Individuals learn lessons from what they do; organisations rarely do,” he says.

“For many years several east coast US states have worked together to adopt a protocol for gaining community agreement on controversial infrastructure facilities such as hazardous waste incinerators, which they call their ‘facility siting credo’,” Ocock says.

“The Poolbeg incinerator is an outstanding example of a facility that might have been approved much sooner if a similar protocol had been in place in Dublin,” he says.

“This facility siting credo advises the promoters of a facility that many in a community will see as a serious threat - to first get the community to agree that something has to change, something has to be built, and the status quo is not an option,” he says.

“ The next step for the promoters is to gain the trust of the community by being honest about the negative aspects of what’s proposed - finally making sure the host community will be left better off,” he says.

European research teams have similarly shown how controversy can be extremely wasteful and how the solution lies in engaging in constructive discourse with all of a project’s primary stakeholders, including the NIMBYs as well as the project’s key decision-makers,” Ocock says.

If project teams do not meet with local communities early in a project, he warns, there will be “people out there who know something vital to the project; something the project’s engineers should know about but don’t”.

“Let’s be realistic though. Taking steps to replace consultation with engagement and improve on the way we do things now - won’t be easy. Adversarial planning inquiries are big business for many professions and professions have influence,” Ocock says.

“Planning and assessing alternative schemes using today’s procedures can generate good business, regardless of whether anything is actually constructed,” he says.

Ironically, he notes, “few, if any, of the parties typically associated with planning and public approvals have any incentive to find quicker ways to get a scheme approved”.

“For management consultants, public relations experts, lawyers, engineers and designers of all kinds - drawing up plans and assessing scheme, after scheme, after scheme, can be much more profitable and far less risky than becoming involved in putting concrete and steel in the ground or turbine towers in the sea,” he says.

“We might have to reluctantly accept that reform will come slowly - if it comes at all,” he says.

Ocock’s advice for planners and developers is to “bring your planning and approval-seeking processes closer together; manage them as a single people-centred project with its own clearly defined aims and methods of working”.

“It may cover only the preliminary phases of the major development, it is hoped, will follow, but it should still be managed as a project in its own right and with its own measures of success - one of which must be gaining the trust of the affected communities,”he says

“Only recently the UK oil and gas industry published a revealing study report into the performance of the industry’s projects,” he says. The study noted there were important lessons to be drawn, one of which was that “more cooperation must take place between the engineering contractors employed and local communities – they too have a stake in the project”.

“Infrastructure projects are more likely to stay on track and be successful when they are directed by wise leaders, benefit from independent oversight, and, when their management engages with the communities affected by the plans to encourage questioning and constructive challenges –from every quarter,” Ocock concludes.

“Conflicting opinions are never in short supply in Ireland. Those who want to bring us new technology and improve our protection of the seas could make better use of them,” he says.

Published in Wavelength Podcast

Belfast Harbour could potentially become one of the leading energy renewable hubs in the UK, when DONG Energy, a leading Danish energy firm, signed a letter of intent yesterday for an agreement to progress on a number of offshore wind farm projects in the Irish Sea.

In addition as part of the project, Belfast Harbour are to invest £40m in the development of a new 450-m long quay. The facility will be adjoined by a 50-acre logistics space on the southern shoreline of the port's docklands estate on Belfast Lough. The construction phase will create 150 jobs and up to 300 full time positions when the facility is completed, where the wind turbines and their foundations will be pre-assembled.

At that stage the large wind farm components will then be loaded onto specialist wind farm installation /construction vessels as depicted on the image by clicking here and to read further information on the overall project.

Attending the announcement which was held in Belfast Harbour Office, were representatives from the Northern Ireland Executive, Peter Gedbjerg, Vice President and UK Country Manager of DONG Energy, and Len O'Hagan, Chairman of Belfast Harbour. The energy hub scheme represents one of the harbour's largest ever capital investment projects.

Published in Ports & Shipping

Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) - FAQS

Marine protected areas (MPAs) are geographically defined maritime areas where human activities are managed to protect important natural or cultural resources. In addition to conserving marine species and habitats, MPAs can support maritime economic activity and reduce the effects of climate change and ocean acidification.

MPAs can be found across a range of marine habitats, from the open ocean to coastal areas, intertidal zones, bays and estuaries. Marine protected areas are defined areas where human activities are managed to protect important natural or cultural resources.

The world's first MPA is said to have been the Fort Jefferson National Monument in Florida, North America, which covered 18,850 hectares of sea and 35 hectares of coastal land. This location was designated in 1935, but the main drive for MPAs came much later. The current global movement can be traced to the first World Congress on National Parks in 1962, and initiation in 1976 of a process to deliver exclusive rights to sovereign states over waters up to 200 nautical miles out then began to provide new focus

The Rio ‘Earth Summit’ on climate change in 1992 saw a global MPA area target of 10% by the 2010 deadline. When this was not met, an “Aichi target 11” was set requiring 10% coverage by 2020. There has been repeated efforts since then to tighten up MPA requirements.

Marae Moana is a multiple-use marine protected area created on July 13th 2017 by the government of the Cook islands in the south Pacific, north- east of New Zealand. The area extends across over 1.9 million square kilometres. However, In September 2019, Jacqueline Evans, a prominent marine biologist and Goldman environmental award winner who was openly critical of the government's plans for seabed mining, was replaced as director of the park by the Cook Islands prime minister’s office. The move attracted local media criticism, as Evans was responsible for developing the Marae Moana policy and the Marae Moana Act, She had worked on raising funding for the park, expanding policy and regulations and developing a plan that designates permitted areas for industrial activities.

Criteria for identifying and selecting MPAs depends on the overall objective or direction of the programme identified by the coastal state. For example, if the objective is to safeguard ecological habitats, the criteria will emphasise habitat diversity and the unique nature of the particular area.

Permanence of MPAs can vary internationally. Some are established under legislative action or under a different regulatory mechanism to exist permanently into the future. Others are intended to last only a few months or years.

Yes, Ireland has MPA cover in about 2.13 per cent of our waters. Although much of Ireland’s marine environment is regarded as in “generally good condition”, according to an expert group report for Government published in January 2021, it says that biodiversity loss and ecosystem degradation are of “wide concern due to increasing pressures such as overexploitation, habitat loss, pollution, and climate change”.

The Government has set a target of 30 per cent MPA coverage by 2030, and moves are already being made in that direction. However, environmentalists are dubious, pointing out that a previous target of ten per cent by 2020 was not met.

Conservation and sustainable management of the marine environment has been mandated by a number of international agreements and legal obligations, as an expert group report to government has pointed out. There are specific requirements for area-based protection in the EU Marine Strategy Framework Directive (MSFD), the OSPAR Convention, the UN Convention on Biological Diversity and the UN Sustainable Development Goals. 

Yes, the Marine Strategy Framework directive (2008/56/EC) required member states to put measures in place to achieve or maintain good environmental status in their waters by 2020. Under the directive a coherent and representative network of MPAs had to be created by 2016.

Ireland was about halfway up the EU table in designating protected areas under existing habitats and bird directives in a comparison published by the European Commission in 2009. However, the Fair Seas campaign, an environmental coalition formed in 2022, points out that Ireland is “lagging behind “ even our closest neighbours, such as Scotland which has 37 per cent. The Fair Seas campaign wants at least 10 per cent of Irish waters to be designated as “fully protected” by 2025, and “at least” 30 per cent by 2030.

Nearly a quarter of Britain’s territorial waters are covered by MPAs, set up to protect vital ecosystems and species. However, a conservation NGO, Oceana, said that analysis of fishing vessel tracking data published in The Guardian in October 2020 found that more than 97% of British MPAs created to safeguard ocean habitats, are being dredged and bottom trawled. 

There’s the rub. Currently, there is no definition of an MPA in Irish law, and environment protections under the Wildlife Acts only apply to the foreshore.

Current protection in marine areas beyond 12 nautical miles is limited to measures taken under the EU Birds and Habitats Directives or the OSPAR Convention. This means that habitats and species that are not listed in the EU Directives, but which may be locally, nationally or internationally important, cannot currently be afforded the necessary protection

Yes. In late March 2022, Minister for Housing Darragh O’Brien said that the Government had begun developing “stand-alone legislation” to enable identification, designation and management of MPAs to meet Ireland’s national and international commitments.

Yes. Environmental groups are not happy, as they have pointed out that legislation on marine planning took precedence over legislation on MPAs, due to the push to develop offshore renewable energy.

No, but some activities may be banned or restricted. Extraction is the main activity affected as in oil and gas activities; mining; dumping; and bottom trawling

The Government’s expert group report noted that MPA designations are likely to have the greatest influence on the “capture fisheries, marine tourism and aquaculture sectors”. It said research suggests that the net impacts on fisheries could ultimately be either positive or negative and will depend on the type of fishery involved and a wide array of other factors.

The same report noted that marine tourism and recreation sector can substantially benefit from MPA designation. However, it said that the “magnitude of the benefits” will depend to a large extent on the location of the MPA sites within the network and the management measures put in place.

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